2020 Texas Early Voting Numbers

[Your Mom 4956]

3 hours ago, Biff Tannen said:

Anecdote time. My in laws who both voted for Dotard in 2016 cast their votes for Biden today. My BIL who voted Dotard in 2016 is considering not voting at all. Win/win/win. 

Every time I start to feel good about the numbers I go to work and get taken back to reality.  I work with all educated, intelligent, high earners and I am outnumbered 10 to 1 by Trumpers at work.  I catch myself thinking we only need to worry about the white trash crowd but the regular joe's are out there voting for him too, in large numbers and not being accounted for in the social media circles.  There are millions of quiet votes for Trump out there.  

[Al Bundy's Napoleon Hand 13619]

3 hours ago, Biff Tannen said:

Anecdote time. My in laws who both voted for Dotard in 2016 cast their votes for Biden today. My BIL who voted Dotard in 2016 is considering not voting at all. Win/win/win. 

 

[RayDog 682]

It looks like the top 11 counties topped 2 million total combined votes today. If they have 6.5 million votes,  65%, Biden will win if they match Beto's 60/40 percentage there. I am still watching to see if they break 5 million in early voting as the tipping point should be somewhere in the 4.5 to 5 million range.  They should be halfway to 5 million by this time tomorrow at the current pace. 

Republicans must be kicking themselves for adding a week to early voting. 

[Aqua Buddha 14782]

3 minutes ago, RayDog said:

It looks like the top 11 counties topped 2 million total combined votes today. If they have 6.5 million votes,  65%, Biden will win if they match Beto's 60/40 percentage there. I am still watching to see if they break 5 million in early voting as the tipping point should be somewhere in the 4.5 to 5 million range.  They should be halfway to 5 million by this time tomorrow at the current pace. 

Republicans must be kicking themselves for adding a week to early voting. 

Abbott isn't kicking himself, I'll tell you that.

[Voldemort86 2259]

46 minutes ago, Francisco 2.0 said:

https://www.texasmonthly.com/politics/trump-wins-texas-gop-loses/

 

 

 

 

  Reveal hidden contents

The election has yet to be decided, but one result can already be called: the Texas Republican party has lost its ability to speak to much of the contemporary electorate. That the cultural and demographic changes in Texas would at some point catch up to the state’s politics is an eventuality that the GOP’s leaders have done everything in their power to delay. The party has energized its base through culture-war issues such as opposition to immigration, gun control, abortion rights, racial justice protests, and COVID-19 restrictions. At the same time, its leaders have diluted the opposition vote through gerrymandered districts, dreamed up ways to make it more difficult for traditionally Democratic voters to cast their ballots, and scared off Democratic aspirants who can’t hope to match the deep pockets of rich conservative donors like Genevieve Collins’s father. 

These maneuvers have made it easier to ignore the writing on the wall, but now the walls are closing in, making the message inescapable: Texas is not what Republicans are pretending it is. In the 1992 presidential election, 60 percent of the state’s votes were cast in greater Houston, Dallas, San Antonio, and Austin. By contrast, in the 2018 midterms, 69 percent of the electorate came from those areas. But that isn’t the worst news for Republicans. As recently as 2014, 17 percent of the state’s electorate was Hispanic. Four years later, that number is 26 percent, and for all the data suggesting that Texas’s Hispanic population may be more conservative than its California counterparts, state Republicans usually count it as a rousing victory if they’re able to gain a 40 percent share of that demographic. (Governor Greg Abbott, whose wife is Latina, did so in 2018, gaining 42 percent of the Hispanic vote. That same year, Senator Ted Cruz managed only 35 percent, barely defeating Beto O’Rourke.) 

Meanwhile, the fastest-growing racial group in Texas is Asian Americans, who have seen their numbers surge from 1.1 million in 2010 to an estimated 1.7 million in 2019. In the 2018 gubernatorial election, the incumbent Abbott handily beat Democratic challenger Lupe Valdez by 13 points. But according to exit polls, Abbott lost the Asian American vote by 18 points—still, a better showing than Cruz, who lost that cohort by a margin of 31 points.

What has kept Republicans in power is a dominant hold on a proportionately shrinking demographic: non-Hispanic white voters. Yet even that grip has become tenuous, for two reasons. First, the state GOP has maximized its rural turnout—there are few if any voters left to get. Second, and more important, the party is now struggling in the suburbs, as Collins is finding out. “Even more than the robust growth in eligible Hispanic, Black, and Asian American voters, the bigger driver of change in Texas is the migration [in the political views] of professional whites in the suburbs, particularly women,” Cook Political Report congressional analyst David Wasserman told me. “The shift was underway in the Obama era. Even when Romney won a healthy share of professional whites in 2012, the state House races in suburban areas were much closer. And now Trump is the accelerant. He’s provided rocket fuel for converting suburban Republicans to at least independents—which we saw in 2018, when professional whites turned out at a much higher rate than noncollege whites.”

Trump, of course, was not on the ticket in 2018. “I suspect we’ll see enough noncollege whites return to the electorate this November that Trump will still carry the state, very narrowly,” Wasserman added. Then again, the GOP’s winning margins in recent presidential contests have slowly but surely dwindled in Texas: from a 23-point margin in 2004 (Bush/Kerry) to a cool 9 points in 2016 (Trump/Clinton). While the president has his devoted base to count on, Biden has a few built-in advantages of his own. One is that, with the sole exception of Fort Worth, the state’s biggest cities and counties are run by Democrats, who are sure to keep a watchful eye on early and mail-in balloting procedures. Another factor in Biden’s favor is how the state’s Republican leadership has mismanaged the coronavirus. In June, Governor Abbott, long one of the most popular political figures in Texas, had seen a modest bump in his approval rating, to around 57 percent, according to a Quinnipiac University poll. But by late July only 48 percent held a favorable view of him. According to a different survey, in late August, only 35 percent of Texans approved of his management of the COVID-19 crisis—the seventh-worst rating among the fifty governors. No longer is Abbott an unqualified plus on the campaign trail.

“Donald Trump is not going to lose Texas, I can tell you that,” the president scoffed during a campaign stop in Dallas last October. But simply offering such a prediction was acknowledging the stakes: should Trump lose Texas, he has no path to victory. The electoral earthquake would shake the national Republican party to the ground. 

Even a close Trump victory here is unlikely to protect the state GOP from further losses. While rural congressmen like East Texas’s Louie Gohmert and West Texas’s Jodey Arrington have everything to gain by embracing the president in their ultraconservative districts, other Republicans are caught between a Trump-worshipping base and a burgeoning suburban electorate that finds him repellent. That dilemma was on vivid display in late July, when Genevieve Collins made it a point to be among a group of Republicans who stood on the tarmac of the Midland airport to greet President Trump, who had arrived for a fundraiser. When later asked about the out-of-district sojourn, Collins’s campaign insisted, in an awkward statement that made no mention of Trump, that the candidate had made the trip because of her interest in the energy sector. 

Collins is struggling to avoid the fate suffered by not only Pete Sessions, but also John Culberson, who moved far to the right to accommodate the GOP base and, in 2018, lost his west Houston district of nearly two decades to moderate Democrat Lizzie Pannill Fletcher. Those two losses are hardly flukes, evidenced by the fact that both seats are likely to remain in Democratic hands this November, despite heavy GOP spending. But the bad news for Texas Republicans doesn’t end there. Within months after Culberson and Sessions conceded defeat, six other GOP congressmen—Mike Conaway, Will Hurd, Bill Flores, Kenny Marchant, Pete Olson, and Mac Thornberry—elected to spend more time with their families. 

Suddenly, it’s the Democrats who are playing offense. They’re favored to regain Hurd’s seat, the vast Twenty-third District, which spans much of West Texas. Marchant’s Twenty-fourth District, which covers a patch of the suburbs between Dallas and Fort Worth, possesses many of the dynamics of Allred’s neighboring district—“the rate of change there is insane,” says Wasserman—and is in significant danger of flipping as well. For the first time in recent memory, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee now views Texas as the most opportune target in the nation for growing the party’s majority in the House, with a good shot at picking up four or more seats. As the DCCC audaciously tweeted this past June, “Texas is ground zero for Democrats in 2020. #Texodus.” Or, if you don’t trust the DCCC, maybe you believe Ted Cruz, who declared in September, not for the first time, “Texas is a battleground.”

One summer day in 2011, I traveled to Sugar Land to have lunch with Tom “the Exterminator” DeLay, the town’s legendary former congressman. Once a peerlessly conniving House majority leader, DeLay had recently been sentenced to three years in federal prison for violating campaign laws but was out on bail, pending appeal. (His conviction was overturned in 2013.) I was researching a book on the House, so we confined our conversation to happier times, when DeLay was arm-twisting President George W. Bush’s legislative agenda into passage, while, in his spare time, merrily driving nearly every white Democratic congressman in Texas into extinction through brazen gerrymandering. After DeLay was done with his mapmaking, there was only one competitive district left in the entire state—out of more than thirty. DeLay’s own district, the Twenty-second, which includes most of Fort Bend County, southwest of Houston, has been one of the most reliably Republican fiefdoms in the state. 

The clientele seated around us in the Italian restaurant that afternoon appeared to be uniformly white. A year later, Mitt Romney would beat Obama in the Twenty-second by 25 points. The district that DeLay built seemed impregnable. But this turned out to be far from the case, and also the reason journalists like myself are best advised not to limit their reporting to what they encounter at the local diner. By the time I sat down with DeLay, Fort Bend was already one of the fastest-growing counties in the United States, and fully 64 percent of its inhabitants were people of color. Mindful of the trends, the state’s Republican redistricting czars that year moved aggressively to protect DeLay’s turf, lopping off the district’s most heavily African American neighborhoods and shoveling them into an adjacent, safely Democratic district. “They’re carving, cracking, and packing these districts, and in so doing they’re setting up a situation where a tension builds up and all they can do is play to a shrinking base,” Sri Preston Kulkarni, a longtime resident of the district, told me recently.

In late 2017, Kulkarni, then 39, decided to test the district’s invulnerability. Two events drove him into politics. After seeing the white supremacist rally in Charlottesville on TV in Jamaica, where Kulkarni was visiting as a U.S. Foreign Service officer, he felt a “moral imperative” to get off the sidelines. Then, in December of that year, Kulkarni watched with dismay as Trump continued to stand behind the GOP’s Alabama Senate candidate, Roy Moore, even after credible allegations of pedophilia. “The Republican party was investing money in him,” he recalled. “And so I resigned from the Foreign Service, and I called back home to [Democratic party officials in] Texas and said, ‘I’ll do anything to stand up for our democracy. I’ll work for Beto.’ And they said, ‘Why don’t you come run? We need people with a national security background.’ ”

The son of an Indian American father who taught creative writing at Rice University and a mother who worked at Exxon as a systems analyst and is a direct descendant of Sam Houston’s grandfather, Kulkarni knew that he faced long odds against GOP incumbent Pete Olson, who had bested his previous Democratic opponent in 2016 by 19 percentage points. But he was also aware that Fort Bend had become an immigrant gateway, with more than a hundred languages spoken there. So he knew not to take as gospel the words of a Democratic strategist who, according to Kulkarni, said of the district’s growing immigrant population, “Don’t bother talking to them. They don’t vote.”

Kulkarni saw an opportunity. “I said, ‘They don’t vote because nobody bothers to reach out to them,’ ” he recalled recently. “So I specifically went out and recruited volunteers from all these different immigrant groups in the Asian community. It turned out that seventy-two percent of the ones we reached out to had never been called by either a Republican or a Democrat—and they’re the fastest-growing group in Texas.”

A career diplomat who speaks 6 languages, Kulkarni directed his campaign to communicate to the district’s electorate in 27 languages, from Spanish to Igbo. Though Olson won by 5 points, his loss was narrow enough that in July of 2019 he announced his intention to retire from the House. Kulkarni’s opponent this November will be former Fort Bend County sheriff Troy Nehls, who prevailed in the Republican primary by talking tough on immigration and claiming he was the lone candidate to have supported Trump’s border wall for years. But within days of his winning the runoff in July, all of his pro-Trump rhetoric—“I will stand with President Trump to defeat the socialist Democrats, build the wall, drain the swamp”—was scrubbed from Nehls’s campaign website.

In August, I made a phone call to Steve Munisteri, the 62-year-old Texas Republican party chairman from 2010 to 2015 and now one of its paid advisers. Munisteri and I have known each other since we were junior high school classmates in Houston’s Seventh Congressional District, then a Republican stronghold, but now held by Lizzie Pannill Fletcher. He is the quintessential Reagan Republican, having joined the Gipper’s 1976 presidential campaign fresh out of high school. Even during his chairmanship, as the tea party began to transform Reagan’s “Morning in America” ethos into Grievance Central, the ever-smiling Munisteri still projected his idol’s trademark sunniness, right down to his personal email address, which includes the phrase “Life’s great.”

I wanted to talk to Munisteri for two reasons. Optimism notwithstanding, he has always been a data-consuming realist, one who has been describing Texas as a “competitive state” since he first decided to run for party chairman in 2009. Still, Munisteri’s candid assessment of just how competitive the state had now become surprised me. “Hays, Williamson: these, to me, are true swing counties,” he said, referring to the traditionally conservative counties just south and north of liberal Austin that have, since time immemorial, been viewed as the boondocks of Central Texas. But Austin sprawl had changed all that. As a result, it wouldn’t be surprising if two of the state’s long-safest GOP congressmen representing two of its most artfully gerrymandered districts—John Carter in the Thirty-first and Roger Williams in the Twenty-fifth—were among the next crop of GOP congressional retirees. 

Obviously, Munisteri’s party wasn’t going to stand by idly as one Republican-held district after the next shifted into the Democratic column. The GOP would have to find new voters somewhere. That was the other reason I  wanted to talk to Munisteri. I had heard about the state party’s Volunteer Engagement Project, which he and veteran GOP strategist Karl Rove were spearheading. Its principal aim was to register as many Republicans as possible before the November election. So where was this new bounty coming from? 

“A lot of them are Republican voters who moved here from out of state,” Munisteri explained to me. “Last month alone, we [registered] 73,000 of those.” Even greater in number, he said, were Texas Republicans who’d moved within the state and hadn’t yet bothered to register to vote in their new county. A third and smaller category consisted of so-called low-propensity voters, who, from consumer data, appeared to have Republican sympathies but seldom showed up to the polls.

At first blush, this seemed like a sensible political exercise. Munisteri and Rove were scouring the state for anyone who had, at some point in their lives, voted or behaved like a Republican and then getting them to register. But it also seemed rather puny in scale. When I described Munisteri’s efforts to Luke Warford, the state Democratic Party’s director of voter expansion, I could hear him struggling to suppress laughter. “Um, I’m actually pretty surprised he would admit that publicly,” Warford said. “First of all, if you’re saying that your largest target is Republicans who’ve moved from, like, Hays to Williamson County, those are not net new Republican voters. Full stop.”

Warford then turned his attention to Munisteri’s assertion that his initiative has registered a total of about 165,000 new Republicans. Though the state Democrats are cagey about releasing their own figures, they pointed me to recent registration statistics from two private firms. Both suggested that the Democrats were substantially ahead of the GOP in signing up new voters this cycle.  “There are more than five million unregistered eligible voters,” Warford said. “And when you look at them, they skew heavily Democratic. We’ve done internal modeling. It’s seventy to seventy-five percent. They’re young, diverse, moving here from out of state. I cannot overstate that the electorate is rapidly changing, and that’s why voter registration is so central to our victory.” He added, “Not to be too smug about this, but I feel like Republicans haven’t registered voters in decades because they haven’t had to.” 

Warford’s allusion to the state’s changing electorate underscored a stark reality: where the demographic frontier presents an invitingly fecund landscape to the Democrats, to the Republicans it resembles a desert of options. Back in 2013, when Munisteri was the party’s chairman, he had said to me, “The majority of Hispanics in Texas believe the Republican party is the party for the wealthy and is exclusive. And if you think about it, that’s probably the problem with the Republican party among any ethnic group.” Accordingly, Munisteri had pleaded his case to the national chairman, Reince Priebus, who responded by guaranteeing that the RNC would send the state party $80,000 a month to assist with Latino outreach efforts.

During our recent conversation, Munisteri told me that national support was a thing of the past. Since he left, “those funds from the RNC haven’t been forthcoming,” he said. He didn’t say why. He didn’t have to. Under President Trump and RNC chairman Ronna McDaniel, the national party’s focus has been on energizing its base. And so the Volunteer Engagement Project has committed itself to scavenger-hunting for hard-core Republicans (a decidedly white bunch) who don’t have a voter registration card.

The day after Munisteri and I spoke, a Washington, D.C.–based progressive group called the AAPI Victory Fund, a political action committee for Asian American and Pacific Islanders, made an announcement. It was sending $1 million to the suburbs of Texas, with the aim of registering multitudes of the state’s most meteoric demographic. At least one side was acting like Texas is a battleground.

We’ve heard this death knell before, of course. After Romney’s loss in 2012, establishment Republicans like Steve Munisteri fretted openly that the GOP would continue to lose unless the party broadened its appeal. It turns out they were wrong, at least for a couple of election cycles. Perhaps the GOP’s alley-fighting tactics—big ad buys, whipping up the base while limiting minority voter turnout—will prevail again in 2020. Even if they don’t, the conversion of a few Republican districts, or even suburbia writ large, into contested territory does not a purple state make. At some point, a Democrat must win statewide before Texas earns that distinction.

Though a Biden victory in Texas would amount to a kill shot to the GOP, it would likely come about only if he were already headed for a landslide, a romp across the electoral map from Maine to California. For the moment, his campaign is acting as if winning Texas isn’t realistic. Biden has yet to commit to a serious effort here, which would require heavy spending in several of the nation’s most expensive media markets. 

Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick predicts that Trump will win the state by double digits. And other prominent Republicans, though not as boastful as Patrick, who is not up for reelection this year, look likely to prevail. Senator John Cornyn, unlike Cruz, has succeeded in garnering the national party’s early support and faces an opponent, MJ Hegar, who has so far fizzled where Beto O’Rourke sizzled in his run against Cruz. And a new star among the GOP congressional delegation, Dan Crenshaw, seems in little danger of losing his Houston-based district to his spirited but underfunded challenger, Sima Ladjevardian. 

Crenshaw’s emergence is a reminder of how a dominant party regularly breeds new talent—while the state’s Democrats have suffered from a weak bench, at least until recently. After all, raising millions of dollars, cajoling thousands of strangers into voting for you, and weathering public attacks is often an unappealing career choice when you’re likely to be playing for the losing team. As longtime Democratic strategist Harold Cook put it to me recently, “Winning begets more winning, attracting a higher caliber of candidates, as well as more money to those candidates. And the opposite is also true. Democrats dug a deep hole for themselves because no one saw anything really being achievable.” 

But Beto O’Rourke’s near-upset in 2018 and Colin Allred’s and Lizzie Pannill Fletcher’s victories that same year have perhaps augured a righting of the imbalance of star power. After 2020, the new buzzworthy Texan might be Sri Preston Kulkarni. Or it might be Gina Ortiz Jones, the openly gay Filipina and Air Force veteran who has raised more than $4 million in her encore effort to win the Twenty-third District seat being vacated by Will Hurd. Or perhaps the new breakout name will be the aspiring successor to Kenny Marchant in the Twenty-fourth: Candace Valenzuela, who as a child once slept outside a gas station in a kiddie pool with her homeless mother.

Or, conceivably, the new star in Texas politics might turn out to be an affluent white female Republican who came from behind in November to beat a Black Democratic incumbent. In her quest to do so, however, Genevieve Collins will likely have to confront what it means to be “one hundred percent Texan” in a state where 59 percent of its residents are people of color and 41 percent were born elsewhere.  A new kind of majority is there for the taking. Pretending it doesn’t exist is the path to defeat. 

 

 

 

 

 

Lets see....

ms. Genevieve Collins ( Allred’s opponent)

Highland park high grad, SMU grad, and works at a technology firm owned by her daddy who is a rich GOP mega donor.

 

Why the hell would anyone say this woman is a perfect fit for the district? She appears to be someone who has had everything handed to her in life. She went to a top 10 Texas high school, probably didn’t have to pay a dime for anything at SMU, and probably has never had to fight for a job or any opportunity in her life.

 

I’m glad Allred is way ahead of her.

[Al Bundy's Napoleon Hand 13619]

 

[SimonBolivar 11032]

11 minutes ago, Voldemort86 said:

Lets see....

ms. Genevieve Collins ( Allred’s opponent)

Highland park high grad, SMU grad, and works at a technology firm owned by her daddy who is a rich GOP mega donor.

 

Why the hell would anyone say this woman is a perfect fit for the district? She appears to be someone who has had everything handed to her in life. She went to a top 10 Texas high school, probably didn’t have to pay a dime for anything at SMU, and probably has never had to fight for a job or any opportunity in her life.

 

I’m glad Allred is way ahead of her.

Well yeah but Colin played football at BU.

[Brisketexan 106625]

[mention]Pescado_Rojo [/mention] reminded me of this greatness. Voting for me fired up. May have damaged my speakers.

 

 

 

[atomheartbevo 90548]

55 minutes ago, Your Mom said:

Every time I start to feel good about the numbers I go to work and get taken back to reality.  I work with all educated, intelligent, high earners and I am outnumbered 10 to 1 by Trumpers at work.  I catch myself thinking we only need to worry about the white trash crowd but the regular joe's are out there voting for him too, in large numbers and not being accounted for in the social media circles.  There are millions of quiet votes for Trump out there.  

I had a relative bitching on Facebook this morning about some birthday packages arriving a week late, even though they sent them a week and a half before the birthday, and were tracking them all along, complete with screenshots of of the tracking page where they were on various days.  She bitched that this has been happening a lot, that she gets stuff late, that stuff she sent is delivered late, etc.

Somebody explained that Trump's appointee screwed up the post office, and pointed her to a couple of articles about changes he made that fucked everything else up.

The conversation moved along, she grumbled, another relative bitched that the appointee was also a huge Trump donor, and then I thought that was it.

But no, this evening, a relative with two master's degree, one in math (some private school) and one in engineering (albeit aggy) had to lob in a little hand grenade about Hunter Biden doing blow in the Ukraine or something.

Because apparently some Trump appointee deliberately fucking up the post office this summer is somehow equivalent to Hunter Biden doing whatever years ago.

[atomheartbevo 90548]

58 minutes ago, Aqua Buddha said:

Abbott isn't kicking himself, I'll tell you that.

[atomheartbevo 90548]

1 hour ago, Francisco 2.0 said:

In a TV ad, Collins described what it means to be a Texas woman: “You have to be able to shoot, clean, and eat your kill one day and throw on a dress and work a boardroom the next.” Redolent of the Metroplex’s J. R. Ewing era, her message is manifestly tailored to nostalgia-prone white residents of a certain age with whom, unsurprisingly, Collins is shown chatting it up in a generic local diner on her campaign website.

Yeah, I'm going to go out on a limb and say that applies to maybe %0.000001 of Texas women.

[thepop 4418]

 

 

[elfenix 34658]

43 minutes ago, atomheartbevo said:

Yeah, I'm going to go out on a limb and say that applies to maybe %0.000001 of Texas women.

it's the same thing as selling trucks by showing images of cowboys in wyoming out in the mud getting horses put away from the back 100 before a snowstorm comes.  really gets bob from accounting fired up to buy a ram that he can't even see over the hood of while standing on the ground

[elfenix 34658]

512k seems like a lot

 

 

[Radical Larry 28814]

 

[AngryDragon 273]

3 hours ago, Francisco 2.0 said:

https://www.texasmonthly.com/politics/trump-wins-texas-gop-loses/

 

 

 

 

  Hide contents

The election has yet to be decided, but one result can already be called: the Texas Republican party has lost its ability to speak to much of the contemporary electorate. That the cultural and demographic changes in Texas would at some point catch up to the state’s politics is an eventuality that the GOP’s leaders have done everything in their power to delay. The party has energized its base through culture-war issues such as opposition to immigration, gun control, abortion rights, racial justice protests, and COVID-19 restrictions. At the same time, its leaders have diluted the opposition vote through gerrymandered districts, dreamed up ways to make it more difficult for traditionally Democratic voters to cast their ballots, and scared off Democratic aspirants who can’t hope to match the deep pockets of rich conservative donors like Genevieve Collins’s father. 

These maneuvers have made it easier to ignore the writing on the wall, but now the walls are closing in, making the message inescapable: Texas is not what Republicans are pretending it is. In the 1992 presidential election, 60 percent of the state’s votes were cast in greater Houston, Dallas, San Antonio, and Austin. By contrast, in the 2018 midterms, 69 percent of the electorate came from those areas. But that isn’t the worst news for Republicans. As recently as 2014, 17 percent of the state’s electorate was Hispanic. Four years later, that number is 26 percent, and for all the data suggesting that Texas’s Hispanic population may be more conservative than its California counterparts, state Republicans usually count it as a rousing victory if they’re able to gain a 40 percent share of that demographic. (Governor Greg Abbott, whose wife is Latina, did so in 2018, gaining 42 percent of the Hispanic vote. That same year, Senator Ted Cruz managed only 35 percent, barely defeating Beto O’Rourke.) 

Meanwhile, the fastest-growing racial group in Texas is Asian Americans, who have seen their numbers surge from 1.1 million in 2010 to an estimated 1.7 million in 2019. In the 2018 gubernatorial election, the incumbent Abbott handily beat Democratic challenger Lupe Valdez by 13 points. But according to exit polls, Abbott lost the Asian American vote by 18 points—still, a better showing than Cruz, who lost that cohort by a margin of 31 points.

What has kept Republicans in power is a dominant hold on a proportionately shrinking demographic: non-Hispanic white voters. Yet even that grip has become tenuous, for two reasons. First, the state GOP has maximized its rural turnout—there are few if any voters left to get. Second, and more important, the party is now struggling in the suburbs, as Collins is finding out. “Even more than the robust growth in eligible Hispanic, Black, and Asian American voters, the bigger driver of change in Texas is the migration [in the political views] of professional whites in the suburbs, particularly women,” Cook Political Report congressional analyst David Wasserman told me. “The shift was underway in the Obama era. Even when Romney won a healthy share of professional whites in 2012, the state House races in suburban areas were much closer. And now Trump is the accelerant. He’s provided rocket fuel for converting suburban Republicans to at least independents—which we saw in 2018, when professional whites turned out at a much higher rate than noncollege whites.”

Trump, of course, was not on the ticket in 2018. “I suspect we’ll see enough noncollege whites return to the electorate this November that Trump will still carry the state, very narrowly,” Wasserman added. Then again, the GOP’s winning margins in recent presidential contests have slowly but surely dwindled in Texas: from a 23-point margin in 2004 (Bush/Kerry) to a cool 9 points in 2016 (Trump/Clinton). While the president has his devoted base to count on, Biden has a few built-in advantages of his own. One is that, with the sole exception of Fort Worth, the state’s biggest cities and counties are run by Democrats, who are sure to keep a watchful eye on early and mail-in balloting procedures. Another factor in Biden’s favor is how the state’s Republican leadership has mismanaged the coronavirus. In June, Governor Abbott, long one of the most popular political figures in Texas, had seen a modest bump in his approval rating, to around 57 percent, according to a Quinnipiac University poll. But by late July only 48 percent held a favorable view of him. According to a different survey, in late August, only 35 percent of Texans approved of his management of the COVID-19 crisis—the seventh-worst rating among the fifty governors. No longer is Abbott an unqualified plus on the campaign trail.

“Donald Trump is not going to lose Texas, I can tell you that,” the president scoffed during a campaign stop in Dallas last October. But simply offering such a prediction was acknowledging the stakes: should Trump lose Texas, he has no path to victory. The electoral earthquake would shake the national Republican party to the ground. 

Even a close Trump victory here is unlikely to protect the state GOP from further losses. While rural congressmen like East Texas’s Louie Gohmert and West Texas’s Jodey Arrington have everything to gain by embracing the president in their ultraconservative districts, other Republicans are caught between a Trump-worshipping base and a burgeoning suburban electorate that finds him repellent. That dilemma was on vivid display in late July, when Genevieve Collins made it a point to be among a group of Republicans who stood on the tarmac of the Midland airport to greet President Trump, who had arrived for a fundraiser. When later asked about the out-of-district sojourn, Collins’s campaign insisted, in an awkward statement that made no mention of Trump, that the candidate had made the trip because of her interest in the energy sector. 

Collins is struggling to avoid the fate suffered by not only Pete Sessions, but also John Culberson, who moved far to the right to accommodate the GOP base and, in 2018, lost his west Houston district of nearly two decades to moderate Democrat Lizzie Pannill Fletcher. Those two losses are hardly flukes, evidenced by the fact that both seats are likely to remain in Democratic hands this November, despite heavy GOP spending. But the bad news for Texas Republicans doesn’t end there. Within months after Culberson and Sessions conceded defeat, six other GOP congressmen—Mike Conaway, Will Hurd, Bill Flores, Kenny Marchant, Pete Olson, and Mac Thornberry—elected to spend more time with their families. 

Suddenly, it’s the Democrats who are playing offense. They’re favored to regain Hurd’s seat, the vast Twenty-third District, which spans much of West Texas. Marchant’s Twenty-fourth District, which covers a patch of the suburbs between Dallas and Fort Worth, possesses many of the dynamics of Allred’s neighboring district—“the rate of change there is insane,” says Wasserman—and is in significant danger of flipping as well. For the first time in recent memory, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee now views Texas as the most opportune target in the nation for growing the party’s majority in the House, with a good shot at picking up four or more seats. As the DCCC audaciously tweeted this past June, “Texas is ground zero for Democrats in 2020. #Texodus.” Or, if you don’t trust the DCCC, maybe you believe Ted Cruz, who declared in September, not for the first time, “Texas is a battleground.”

One summer day in 2011, I traveled to Sugar Land to have lunch with Tom “the Exterminator” DeLay, the town’s legendary former congressman. Once a peerlessly conniving House majority leader, DeLay had recently been sentenced to three years in federal prison for violating campaign laws but was out on bail, pending appeal. (His conviction was overturned in 2013.) I was researching a book on the House, so we confined our conversation to happier times, when DeLay was arm-twisting President George W. Bush’s legislative agenda into passage, while, in his spare time, merrily driving nearly every white Democratic congressman in Texas into extinction through brazen gerrymandering. After DeLay was done with his mapmaking, there was only one competitive district left in the entire state—out of more than thirty. DeLay’s own district, the Twenty-second, which includes most of Fort Bend County, southwest of Houston, has been one of the most reliably Republican fiefdoms in the state. 

The clientele seated around us in the Italian restaurant that afternoon appeared to be uniformly white. A year later, Mitt Romney would beat Obama in the Twenty-second by 25 points. The district that DeLay built seemed impregnable. But this turned out to be far from the case, and also the reason journalists like myself are best advised not to limit their reporting to what they encounter at the local diner. By the time I sat down with DeLay, Fort Bend was already one of the fastest-growing counties in the United States, and fully 64 percent of its inhabitants were people of color. Mindful of the trends, the state’s Republican redistricting czars that year moved aggressively to protect DeLay’s turf, lopping off the district’s most heavily African American neighborhoods and shoveling them into an adjacent, safely Democratic district. “They’re carving, cracking, and packing these districts, and in so doing they’re setting up a situation where a tension builds up and all they can do is play to a shrinking base,” Sri Preston Kulkarni, a longtime resident of the district, told me recently.

In late 2017, Kulkarni, then 39, decided to test the district’s invulnerability. Two events drove him into politics. After seeing the white supremacist rally in Charlottesville on TV in Jamaica, where Kulkarni was visiting as a U.S. Foreign Service officer, he felt a “moral imperative” to get off the sidelines. Then, in December of that year, Kulkarni watched with dismay as Trump continued to stand behind the GOP’s Alabama Senate candidate, Roy Moore, even after credible allegations of pedophilia. “The Republican party was investing money in him,” he recalled. “And so I resigned from the Foreign Service, and I called back home to [Democratic party officials in] Texas and said, ‘I’ll do anything to stand up for our democracy. I’ll work for Beto.’ And they said, ‘Why don’t you come run? We need people with a national security background.’ ”

The son of an Indian American father who taught creative writing at Rice University and a mother who worked at Exxon as a systems analyst and is a direct descendant of Sam Houston’s grandfather, Kulkarni knew that he faced long odds against GOP incumbent Pete Olson, who had bested his previous Democratic opponent in 2016 by 19 percentage points. But he was also aware that Fort Bend had become an immigrant gateway, with more than a hundred languages spoken there. So he knew not to take as gospel the words of a Democratic strategist who, according to Kulkarni, said of the district’s growing immigrant population, “Don’t bother talking to them. They don’t vote.”

Kulkarni saw an opportunity. “I said, ‘They don’t vote because nobody bothers to reach out to them,’ ” he recalled recently. “So I specifically went out and recruited volunteers from all these different immigrant groups in the Asian community. It turned out that seventy-two percent of the ones we reached out to had never been called by either a Republican or a Democrat—and they’re the fastest-growing group in Texas.”

A career diplomat who speaks 6 languages, Kulkarni directed his campaign to communicate to the district’s electorate in 27 languages, from Spanish to Igbo. Though Olson won by 5 points, his loss was narrow enough that in July of 2019 he announced his intention to retire from the House. Kulkarni’s opponent this November will be former Fort Bend County sheriff Troy Nehls, who prevailed in the Republican primary by talking tough on immigration and claiming he was the lone candidate to have supported Trump’s border wall for years. But within days of his winning the runoff in July, all of his pro-Trump rhetoric—“I will stand with President Trump to defeat the socialist Democrats, build the wall, drain the swamp”—was scrubbed from Nehls’s campaign website.

In August, I made a phone call to Steve Munisteri, the 62-year-old Texas Republican party chairman from 2010 to 2015 and now one of its paid advisers. Munisteri and I have known each other since we were junior high school classmates in Houston’s Seventh Congressional District, then a Republican stronghold, but now held by Lizzie Pannill Fletcher. He is the quintessential Reagan Republican, having joined the Gipper’s 1976 presidential campaign fresh out of high school. Even during his chairmanship, as the tea party began to transform Reagan’s “Morning in America” ethos into Grievance Central, the ever-smiling Munisteri still projected his idol’s trademark sunniness, right down to his personal email address, which includes the phrase “Life’s great.”

I wanted to talk to Munisteri for two reasons. Optimism notwithstanding, he has always been a data-consuming realist, one who has been describing Texas as a “competitive state” since he first decided to run for party chairman in 2009. Still, Munisteri’s candid assessment of just how competitive the state had now become surprised me. “Hays, Williamson: these, to me, are true swing counties,” he said, referring to the traditionally conservative counties just south and north of liberal Austin that have, since time immemorial, been viewed as the boondocks of Central Texas. But Austin sprawl had changed all that. As a result, it wouldn’t be surprising if two of the state’s long-safest GOP congressmen representing two of its most artfully gerrymandered districts—John Carter in the Thirty-first and Roger Williams in the Twenty-fifth—were among the next crop of GOP congressional retirees. 

Obviously, Munisteri’s party wasn’t going to stand by idly as one Republican-held district after the next shifted into the Democratic column. The GOP would have to find new voters somewhere. That was the other reason I  wanted to talk to Munisteri. I had heard about the state party’s Volunteer Engagement Project, which he and veteran GOP strategist Karl Rove were spearheading. Its principal aim was to register as many Republicans as possible before the November election. So where was this new bounty coming from? 

“A lot of them are Republican voters who moved here from out of state,” Munisteri explained to me. “Last month alone, we [registered] 73,000 of those.” Even greater in number, he said, were Texas Republicans who’d moved within the state and hadn’t yet bothered to register to vote in their new county. A third and smaller category consisted of so-called low-propensity voters, who, from consumer data, appeared to have Republican sympathies but seldom showed up to the polls.

At first blush, this seemed like a sensible political exercise. Munisteri and Rove were scouring the state for anyone who had, at some point in their lives, voted or behaved like a Republican and then getting them to register. But it also seemed rather puny in scale. When I described Munisteri’s efforts to Luke Warford, the state Democratic Party’s director of voter expansion, I could hear him struggling to suppress laughter. “Um, I’m actually pretty surprised he would admit that publicly,” Warford said. “First of all, if you’re saying that your largest target is Republicans who’ve moved from, like, Hays to Williamson County, those are not net new Republican voters. Full stop.”

Warford then turned his attention to Munisteri’s assertion that his initiative has registered a total of about 165,000 new Republicans. Though the state Democrats are cagey about releasing their own figures, they pointed me to recent registration statistics from two private firms. Both suggested that the Democrats were substantially ahead of the GOP in signing up new voters this cycle.  “There are more than five million unregistered eligible voters,” Warford said. “And when you look at them, they skew heavily Democratic. We’ve done internal modeling. It’s seventy to seventy-five percent. They’re young, diverse, moving here from out of state. I cannot overstate that the electorate is rapidly changing, and that’s why voter registration is so central to our victory.” He added, “Not to be too smug about this, but I feel like Republicans haven’t registered voters in decades because they haven’t had to.” 

Warford’s allusion to the state’s changing electorate underscored a stark reality: where the demographic frontier presents an invitingly fecund landscape to the Democrats, to the Republicans it resembles a desert of options. Back in 2013, when Munisteri was the party’s chairman, he had said to me, “The majority of Hispanics in Texas believe the Republican party is the party for the wealthy and is exclusive. And if you think about it, that’s probably the problem with the Republican party among any ethnic group.” Accordingly, Munisteri had pleaded his case to the national chairman, Reince Priebus, who responded by guaranteeing that the RNC would send the state party $80,000 a month to assist with Latino outreach efforts.

During our recent conversation, Munisteri told me that national support was a thing of the past. Since he left, “those funds from the RNC haven’t been forthcoming,” he said. He didn’t say why. He didn’t have to. Under President Trump and RNC chairman Ronna McDaniel, the national party’s focus has been on energizing its base. And so the Volunteer Engagement Project has committed itself to scavenger-hunting for hard-core Republicans (a decidedly white bunch) who don’t have a voter registration card.

The day after Munisteri and I spoke, a Washington, D.C.–based progressive group called the AAPI Victory Fund, a political action committee for Asian American and Pacific Islanders, made an announcement. It was sending $1 million to the suburbs of Texas, with the aim of registering multitudes of the state’s most meteoric demographic. At least one side was acting like Texas is a battleground.

We’ve heard this death knell before, of course. After Romney’s loss in 2012, establishment Republicans like Steve Munisteri fretted openly that the GOP would continue to lose unless the party broadened its appeal. It turns out they were wrong, at least for a couple of election cycles. Perhaps the GOP’s alley-fighting tactics—big ad buys, whipping up the base while limiting minority voter turnout—will prevail again in 2020. Even if they don’t, the conversion of a few Republican districts, or even suburbia writ large, into contested territory does not a purple state make. At some point, a Democrat must win statewide before Texas earns that distinction.

Though a Biden victory in Texas would amount to a kill shot to the GOP, it would likely come about only if he were already headed for a landslide, a romp across the electoral map from Maine to California. For the moment, his campaign is acting as if winning Texas isn’t realistic. Biden has yet to commit to a serious effort here, which would require heavy spending in several of the nation’s most expensive media markets. 

Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick predicts that Trump will win the state by double digits. And other prominent Republicans, though not as boastful as Patrick, who is not up for reelection this year, look likely to prevail. Senator John Cornyn, unlike Cruz, has succeeded in garnering the national party’s early support and faces an opponent, MJ Hegar, who has so far fizzled where Beto O’Rourke sizzled in his run against Cruz. And a new star among the GOP congressional delegation, Dan Crenshaw, seems in little danger of losing his Houston-based district to his spirited but underfunded challenger, Sima Ladjevardian. 

Crenshaw’s emergence is a reminder of how a dominant party regularly breeds new talent—while the state’s Democrats have suffered from a weak bench, at least until recently. After all, raising millions of dollars, cajoling thousands of strangers into voting for you, and weathering public attacks is often an unappealing career choice when you’re likely to be playing for the losing team. As longtime Democratic strategist Harold Cook put it to me recently, “Winning begets more winning, attracting a higher caliber of candidates, as well as more money to those candidates. And the opposite is also true. Democrats dug a deep hole for themselves because no one saw anything really being achievable.” 

But Beto O’Rourke’s near-upset in 2018 and Colin Allred’s and Lizzie Pannill Fletcher’s victories that same year have perhaps augured a righting of the imbalance of star power. After 2020, the new buzzworthy Texan might be Sri Preston Kulkarni. Or it might be Gina Ortiz Jones, the openly gay Filipina and Air Force veteran who has raised more than $4 million in her encore effort to win the Twenty-third District seat being vacated by Will Hurd. Or perhaps the new breakout name will be the aspiring successor to Kenny Marchant in the Twenty-fourth: Candace Valenzuela, who as a child once slept outside a gas station in a kiddie pool with her homeless mother.

Or, conceivably, the new star in Texas politics might turn out to be an affluent white female Republican who came from behind in November to beat a Black Democratic incumbent. In her quest to do so, however, Genevieve Collins will likely have to confront what it means to be “one hundred percent Texan” in a state where 59 percent of its residents are people of color and 41 percent were born elsewhere.  A new kind of majority is there for the taking. Pretending it doesn’t exist is the path to defeat. 

 

 

 

 

 

Really good article. Thanks for pasting it. They're correct about the Asians...most of my friends are voting for the first time this cycle(almost all UT grads and white collar professionals). We would skew left even more than the 18% but for some damn reason the Vietnamese immigrants vote R and don't bother to get educated.

Edited October 17, 2020 by AngryDragon

[atomheartbevo 90548]

1 hour ago, elfenix said:

512k seems like a lot

 

Bill Gates said 640k was enough, so we've got this in the bag!

[Huckleberry 34407]

My daily updates will be later tomorrow as my kid has a game at 10:45.

But Harris County went over 20% total vote today, and Williamson county went all the way up to 27.4%. I had a bad number in there from yesterday, I think the county updated their report early before all voter turnout was counted. Once the Dallas received mail ballots total is updated they should also break the 20% mark. This is what's available on county sites and/or Twitter accounts as of right now (yellow cells are mail-in totals that are old - through yesterday 10/15):
 

Edited October 17, 2020 by Huckleberry

[BradInATX 9208]

it's the same thing as selling trucks by showing images of cowboys in wyoming out in the mud getting horses put away from the back 100 before a snowstorm comes.  really gets bob from accounting fired up to buy a ram that he can't even see over the hood of while standing on the ground

Yep. There's millions of Cabela's hat wearing SUV driving Cowgirls in this state. Live laugh love and vote Republican, hun!

[cactusflinthead 27626]

 The reply.

 

Edited October 17, 2020 by cactusflinthead

[thepop 4418]

 

 

[Bookman 4754]

6 hours ago, Your Mom said:

Every time I start to feel good about the numbers I go to work and get taken back to reality.  I work with all educated, intelligent, high earners and I am outnumbered 10 to 1 by Trumpers at work.  I catch myself thinking we only need to worry about the white trash crowd but the regular joe's are out there voting for him too, in large numbers and not being accounted for in the social media circles.  There are millions of quiet votes for Trump out there.  

https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/a-big-chunk-of-white-americans-with-degrees-and-people-of-color-are-behind-trump/

[Voldemort86 2259]

7 hours ago, Huckleberry said:

My daily updates will be later tomorrow as my kid has a game at 10:45.

But Harris County went over 20% total vote today, and Williamson county went all the way up to 27.4%. I had a bad number in there from yesterday, I think the county updated their report early before all voter turnout was counted. Once the Dallas received mail ballots total is updated they should also break the 20% mark. This is what's available on county sites and/or Twitter accounts as of right now (yellow cells are mail-in totals that are old - through yesterday 10/15):
 

Denton and Galveston turnout is disappointing. I think both of those are pretty red.

[gmr548 16681]

Denton and Galveston turnout is disappointing. I think both of those are pretty red.

Galveston and Brazoria probably so. Not particularly well educated. Lots of plant and refinery workers.

Nearly half of adults 25+ in Denton County have bachelor's degrees though. Also home to a large university in UNT. It'll still probably go red but Beto closed the gap from 20 to 8 points there. As the wheels have just totally come off for Trump with educated white voters, it'd make sense that the high turnout in places like Denton, Collin, and Williamson includes both a lot of anti Trump and Cult 45 (these counties will likely go red but not by much - and Biden winning Williamson isn't off the table).

If the margins in Denton and Collin continue to creep down toward five percent or so that'd really help Biden.

[RayDog 682]

37 minutes ago, Voldemort86 said:

Denton and Galveston turnout is disappointing. I think both of those are pretty red.

Due to demographic shifts I expect Collin, Denton, Galveston,  Brazoria, and Bell to be close to net zero combined. Which would be a gain of 100,000 votes that Beto lost.

[SydneyCarton 49325]

4 minutes ago, RayDog said:

Due to demographic shifts I expect Collin, Denton, Galveston,  Brazoria, and Bell to be close to net zero combined. Which would be a gain of 100,000 votes that Beto lost.

You want to cite your beliefs there? I’m not saying you’re wrong but I also know you haven’t had your boots on the ground in those areas. I have in Galveston and Brazoria and hoo boy, I don’t see a demographic shift as you’re describing. 

Edited October 17, 2020 by SydneyCarton

[Bateshorn 9989]

9 hours ago, elfenix said:

it's the same thing as selling trucks by showing images of cowboys in wyoming out in the mud getting horses put away from the back 100 before a snowstorm comes.  really gets bob from accounting fired up to buy a ram that he can't even see over the hood of while standing on the ground

As a short person I really feel this.

[StassneyHorn 6755]

3,399,899 have voted in Texas, 20.05% of registered voters in 4 days. Top 15 counties below by registration totals

County	Registered Voters	# In Person On 10/16/2020	Cumulative In-Person Voters	Cumulative % In-Person	Cumulative By Mail Voters	Cumulative In-Person And Mail Voters	Cumulative Percent Early Voting	Voter Details Report
HARRIS	2,480,522	104,826	453,691	18.29%	58,705	512,396	20.66%	Click Here
DALLAS	1,398,469	59,054	232,941	16.66%	45,263	278,204	19.89%	Click Here
TARRANT	1,212,524	49,827	182,214	15.03%	41,076	223,290	18.42%	Click Here
BEXAR	1,189,373	39,995	146,115	12.29%	59,708	205,823	17.31%	Click Here
TRAVIS	854,577	41,262	154,154	18.04%	30,004	184,158	21.55%	Click Here
COLLIN	648,670	38,573	153,109	23.6%	9,349	162,458	25.04%	Click Here
DENTON	565,089	32,683	134,844	23.86%	17,579	152,423	26.97%	Click Here
EL PASO	488,470	16,181	68,918	14.11%	16,485	85,403	17.48%	Click Here
FORT BEND	482,368	0	54,265	11.25%	9,165	63,430	13.15%	Click Here
HIDALGO	391,309	13,308	62,442	15.96%	10,735	73,177	18.7%	Click Here
WILLIAMSON	376,672	21,445	87,391	23.2%	15,879	103,270	27.42%	Click Here
MONTGOMERY	370,060	14,042	48,585	13.13%	14,730	63,315	17.11%	Click Here
GALVESTON	228,482	12,856	57,501	25.17%	9,053	66,554	29.13%	Click Here
BRAZORIA	224,256	12,430	49,479	22.06%	7,454	56,933	25.39%	Click Here
CAMERON	218,910	6,973	33,974	15.52%	6,240	40,214	18.37%

[UTGrad98 2331]

I live in a pretty nice neighborhood in flower mound in denton county and so far I've seen 4 or 5 biden signs. I have yet to see a trump sign. When I voted yesterday the lady in front of me had a lisd employee badge so I'm counting that as a Democrat vote too.

[Texaspython 231]

8 hours ago, AngryDragon said:

Really good article. Thanks for pasting it. They're correct about the Asians...most of my friends are voting for the first time this cycle(almost all UT grads and white collar professionals). We would skew left even more than the 18% but for some damn reason the Vietnamese immigrants vote R and don't bother to get educated.

Yeah, I don’t get the Vietnamese vote.

[gmr548 16681]

Due to demographic shifts I expect Collin, Denton, Galveston,  Brazoria, and Bell to be close to net zero combined. Which would be a gain of 100,000 votes that Beto lost.

Jesus. I should just stop responding to your posts. Democrats gonna win Montgomery Counry too?

Net zero in Denton and Collin (R +6-8 in 2018) would be a Biden win and we wouldn't even be waiting up late to know that. Isn't happening, but even if that happened, no way those counties total net zero with Bell R+10 in 2018, and Brazoria and Galveston R+ 18-20.

Seriously, projecting those as net zero or near net zero means you're not just saying Denton and Collin are draws, but big enough Biden wins to swamp the other three. A shift of D+10 or so from 2018, which was already a realignment of the demographicthat would drive this trend.

Think about how ridiculous that is.

[Nice Guy Eddie 13707]

8 hours ago, cactusflinthead said:

 The reply.

 

This doesn’t seem out of the question but I don’t think it should be a surprise. 75% of the Harris county votes were early or mail in 2016.  With covid concerns, and people wanting their vote behind them, I assume this will be higher than 80%. Given a larger voter base now, at some point the >80% of the now-higher voting base, we could exceed the 2016 total.

Btw, the early vote total in 2016 was 968k and the total election was 1.3m.

maybe today we will see another big day but after that I assume only the last early day and Election Day will exceed 100k.

Edited October 17, 2020 by Nice Guy Eddie

[Larry T. Spider 1747]

1 hour ago, gmr548 said:

Galveston and Brazoria probably so. Not particularly well educated. Lots of plant and refinery workers.

Nearly half of adults 25+ in Denton County have bachelor's degrees though. Also home to a large university in UNT. It'll still probably go red but Beto closed the gap from 20 to 8 points there. As the wheels have just totally come off for Trump with educated white voters, it'd make sense that the high turnout in places like Denton, Collin, and Williamson includes both a lot of anti Trump and Cult 45 (these counties will likely go red but not by much - and Biden winning Williamson isn't off the table).

If the margins in Denton and Collin continue to creep down toward five percent or so that'd really help Biden.

I live in Wilco and it feels like Biden will win the county to me. My part of Wilco was almost exactly 50/50 in 2016 and I can almost assure you that Biden will win my hood this time. Things are changing fast here.

My state rep is a first term dem and he has done a ton of voter engagement work. Voted after work yesterday and the line was diverse and educated. 

[Bookman 4754]

6 minutes ago, Larry T. Spider said:

and the line was diverse and educated. 

Either one of those things is bad for Republicans.

[Ted Lange 16354]

 

[Guest Lobo]

50 minutes ago, Texaspython said:

Yeah, I don’t get the Vietnamese vote.

Charlie don't Vote?  

[Huckleberry 34407]

Non-final update for today. State site still has gaps but this will be very close. Also of note, over 20% of registered voters statewide have now voted (about 3.4 million votes are in). Today's Cruz/O'Rourke based estimate will seem like a move toward the GOP but that will not be the case. The State site updated Thursday's numbers later yesterday and that estimate was a 2.9% GOP win based on turnout through Thursday.

Another thing to consider is that if definitely super solid Trump counties are turning out the same or better than Dem counties in early voting then might we all be wrong about the assumption of a super Trump tilted Election Day turnout?

Edited October 17, 2020 by Huckleberry

[Aqua Buddha 14782]

1 hour ago, Larry T. Spider said:

I live in Wilco and it feels like Biden will win the county to me. My part of Wilco was almost exactly 50/50 in 2016 and I can almost assure you that Biden will win my hood this time. Things are changing fast here.

My state rep is a first term dem and he has done a ton of voter engagement work. Voted after work yesterday and the line was diverse and educated.

Not Trump's core demo.  Those are the downscale rural whites.  It's the worst strategy in all of consumer retail.

[Larry T. Spider 1747]

I got the distinct impression those people were there for the same reason I was. Vote this motherfucker out. It was also about 60-40 women. 

I don’t know if we will get over the hump statewide, but I think it will be close enough to call Texas purple from now on and it will achieve battleground status. 

The makeup of the legislature, specifically the house, could very well change this time. 

[Pescado_Rojo 19558]

1 hour ago, Larry T. Spider said:

I live in Wilco and it feels like Biden will win the county to me. My part of Wilco was almost exactly 50/50 in 2016 and I can almost assure you that Biden will win my hood this time. Things are changing fast here.

My state rep is a first term dem and he has done a ton of voter engagement work. Voted after work yesterday and the line was diverse and educated. 

Bucy or Talarico? I live on the very edge of Talarico's district, but I see mostly Bucy signs in CP and Leander, where we do most of our shopping. 

[gmr548 16681]

I live in Wilco and it feels like Biden will win the county to me. My part of Wilco was almost exactly 50/50 in 2016 and I can almost assure you that Biden will win my hood this time. Things are changing fast here.
My state rep is a first term dem and he has done a ton of voter engagement work. Voted after work yesterday and the line was diverse and educated. 

Yeah, gun to my head I'd take Trump in Williamson, as he won it by 9 the first time. That's a lot of ground to make up in one election and while you're correct about it's growth, there's definitely a lot of Cult 45 out there. A Biden win in line with Beto's (two-ish percent) certainly wouldn't surprise me though. I expect it to be close either way.

It's been a great bellwether county for the state, even in 2018. I'll certainly be watching it closely. If Biden can outperform Beto there that tells you it's likely going to be very, very close statewide, with a legit shot at a Democratic win.

[Dahobbs 18190]

 

We might not see much of a Saturday drop in Harris County. Let's break 100k again. 

[Dahobbs 18190]

8 minutes ago, gmr548 said:

Yeah, gun to my head I'd take Trump in Williamson, as he won it by 9 the first time. That's a lot of ground to make up in one election and while you're correct about it's growth, there's definitely a lot of Cult 45 out there. A Biden win in line with Beto's (two-ish percent) certainly wouldn't surprise me though. I expect it to be close either way.

It's been a great bellwether county for the state, even in 2018. I'll certainly be watching it closely. If Biden can outperform Beto there that tells you it's likely going to be very, very close statewide, with a legit shot at a Democratic win.

I don't think there is any way Trump does better than Cruz in Williamson. 

[Larry T. Spider 1747]

33 minutes ago, Pescado_Rojo said:

Bucy or Talarico? I live on the very edge of Talarico's district, but I see mostly Bucy signs in CP and Leander, where we do most of our shopping. 

Bucy. I’m just east of Avery Ranch. 

[Dahobbs 18190]

 

 

[Okie State 3887]

I was off work Thursday and Friday so thought I'd drive by to see how the lines were. Long as fuck. Hope they calm down a bit in the next week or so.

[SizzleChest 8302]

2 minutes ago, Okie State said:

I was off work Thursday and Friday so thought I'd drive by to see how the lines were. Long as fuck. Hope they calm down a bit in the next week or so.

Tomorrow afternoon will be lower volume, I'm guessing.

[StassneyHorn 6755]

Total turnout in 4 days was 37.9% of total turnout from 2016.

 

[Ted Lange 16354]

I just hope all this Harris County early voting leads to Crenshaw getting booted.  But I know that’s unlikely.

[Dahobbs 18190]

9 minutes ago, Ted Lange said:

I just hope all this Harris County early voting leads to Crenshaw getting booted.  But I know that’s unlikely.

Unfortunately I think he is safe. Plenty of signs in my area for Crenshaw. Notably, they are not accompanied by Trump signs. I think that says something.