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A story about a pathetic man's downfall [34 Felony Convictions]

Francisco 2.0

By Francisco 2.0
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Beau Vine
Beau Vine

To be fair, President Trump’s four years in office weren’t so bad, except when when he incited an insurrection against the government, mismanaged a pandemic that killed nearly half a million Americans

Bama Chick
Bama Chick

Y’all about to get a great visual representation of Cullman, Alabama. Only good things to come out of Cullman are the Britt brothers (Roll Tide!) and orange rolls from All Steak restaurant. That pla

ChiTownDoc
ChiTownDoc

You seem really pissed off for a nontrumper.  Just laugh at the trumpers, bro.  They’re really gullible dumbfucks who worship this orange blob…you know, people completely unlike yourself.  

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WhatTheBuck

WhatTheBuck 28797

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3 hours ago, Willfully Horn said:

Just posted about this in DT.

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49 “‘Now this was the sin of your sister Sodom:(A) She and her daughters were arrogant,(B) overfed and unconcerned;(C)they did not help the poor and needy.(D)50 They were haughty(E) and did detestable things before me. Therefore I did away with them as you have seen.(F)

Ezekiel 16:49-50 takes issue with that (quite common) narrative.

 

 

Because the Bible would never contradict itself.

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Grandioso

Grandioso 2592

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10 hours ago, brakeman said:

 

Another thing that proves he's lying is, I don't know, THE FUCKING RECORDED CONVERSATION OF HIM TRYING TO GET THE GEORGIA SECRETARY OF STATE TO "FIND" 11,000+ VOTES?!?!

Edit: Ok, this was brought up at the beginning of the article. mea culpa

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Guest Lobo

Guest Lobo

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The weirdest part of all of this is that Mike Pence jerks off to those photos and tweets.  

I mean, I'm into rough stuff as much as the next guy but watching your own snuff film?  

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atomheartbevo

atomheartbevo 89777

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39 minutes ago, Horn Under a Bad Sign said:

Eric Trump's lawyer in New York State's fraud case quits:

https://thehill.com/regulation/court-battles/573261-eric-trump-lawyer-in-new-york-attorney-generals-fraud-case-quits

So either the Trumps stopped paying, or the lawyer saw some shit he wants no part of.

Because that was a guaranteed gravy train since that case would probably last quite a while.

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TwiceHorn

TwiceHorn 31528

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46 minutes ago, Francisco 2.0 said:

 

 

 

Of course, when he tried blocking people and that was ruled a First Amendment violation because he was acting in his official capacity and thus a "state actor," he argued that it was his personal account. https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/supreme-court/supreme-court-dismisses-lawsuit-over-trump-s-twitter-account-n1263030

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Blotto

Blotto 23568

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4 minutes ago, TwiceHorn said:

Of course, when he tried blocking people and that was ruled a First Amendment violation because he was acting in his official capacity and thus a "state actor," he argued that it was his personal account. https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/supreme-court/supreme-court-dismisses-lawsuit-over-trump-s-twitter-account-n1263030

He's such a baby back bitch. Always crying about how unfair the world is towards him. 

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Fletch

Fletch 5800

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On 9/18/2021 at 10:47 AM, Red Five said:

Instead of reinstalling all that fencing, they should have just surrounded the capitol with cops. With orders to shoot anyone who attempts to breach security in the legs. 

In the legs? Fuck that shit. Shoot to fucking kill. They’re trying to overthrow the fucking government. If they’re stupid enough to do the whole insurrection thing again then fuck em. They’re traitors. We were dangerously close to elected officials dying January 6th. You wanna play militia in DC? Be ready for the fucking consequences. I’ve fucking had it with these people

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Francisco 2.0

Francisco 2.0 32416

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Gee, what a shame.  Thoughts, prayers, etc.

https://www.thedailybeast.com/trumpworld-lawyers-charles-harder-marc-kasowitz-marc-mukasey-and-jay-sekulow-split-as-storm-clouds-gather?ref=home

 

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Civil and criminal investigations in New York and Georgia. Defamation suits from two women. A civil suit over misuse of inauguration funds. A number of complaints related to the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol. And a new lawsuit related to the disclosure of the former president’s taxes.

Donald Trump is facing even more legal challenges than normal—which is saying something for a man so litigious and familiar with legal duress. But even though he is someone who tends to keep the same people around him for longer than he should, a number of the ex-president’s longtime, high-profile lawyers have recently parted ways with Trumpworld.

 

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When Trump sued The New York Times and his niece Mary earlier this week, the attorney who filed the lawsuit was a relatively unknown lawyer. Alina Habba, based in the same town as the Trump National Golf Club in Bedminster, New Jersey, comes with a résumé far less ostentatious than the legal CVs that the twice-impeached former president has come to expect. But Trump appears to be leaning on Habba now to take on his niece and the Times reporters who disclosed some of Trump’s previous tax filings.

At the same time, Habba’s ascension in Trump’s legal hierarchy comes alongside the conspicuous fall of another: the Gawker-killing celebrity lawyer Charles Harder, whom the ex-president and members of his family have relied upon for years to go after journalists, authors, and major book publishers Trump felt had crossed the line.

 

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In previous years, a case against New York Times reporters and a family member who Trump alleged was the source for the journalists would have easily fallen to Harder, a lawyer the 45th U.S. president once lauded as a hard-charging attack dog of the rich and the powerful.

But according to two people with knowledge of the matter, Trump said he wanted to fire Harder earlier this year, having grown frustrated with what he viewed as his famous lawyer’s insufficient number of recent “wins,” and the good amount of money Trump had sent Harder’s way.

 

 

Spoiler

Not long after Trump began privately demanding Harder’s exile this summer, court documents began noting his replacement as the former president’s counsel of record.

Trump’s spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment on this story. When reached for comment by The Daily Beast, Harder noted a number of his legal victories on behalf of Trump to deny any suggestion the ex-president may have wanted to fire him. “I’m not allowed to discuss attorney-client matters, so I cannot respond except to ask who is saying this because they are probably making it up,” he wrote.

The Gawker-slaying attorney, however, isn’t the only big-name or expensive lawyer who has parted ways with Trump, his family, or his business empire this year.

For months, Trump has been bleeding or discarding top legal talent, according to court records and various interviews. And this comes at a time when the ex-president and his inner sanctum are drowning in criminal investigations, and lawsuit after lawsuit after lawsuit.

The reasons for some of the individual departures from the MAGA legal orbit remain unclear. Trump, who often detests paying his bills and legal fees, has a track record of essentially turning his back on former lawyers (including Rudy Giuliani), having tempestuous falling-outs with one-time confidants and attorneys (such as Michael Cohen), and aggressively turning on multiple U.S. attorneys general who he himself had nominated.

During Trump’s time in the White House, his administration and his legal teams were known for a high turnover rate. In his first year out of power, the pattern appears to be holding.

Earlier this month, Trump alerted New York state’s highest court that his longtime lawyer Marc Kasowitz was no longer acting as his attorney in a high-profile legal dispute between the former president and Summer Zervos, a former Apprentice contestant who is suing Trump for defamation after he denied her claims that he made unwanted sexual advances against her, including groping and kissing her without her consent in 2007.

For years, Kasowitz has had his hands in numerous legal cases on Trump’s behalf, representing him in divorces, casino disputes with billionaire Carl Icahn, and campaign- and Russia-related matters. Earlier this year, Reuters noted that the Trump campaign had paid his firm $1.6 million between November 2020 and February 2021 alone.

Kasowitz did not respond to requests for comment, and several people close to Trump couldn’t, or wouldn’t, say why Kasowitz was no longer repping Trump in that case, except to say he was “out” or “gone,” for now at least. (In fact, the earliest hint of the 36-year-old Habba’s new role as the former president’s latest legal champion came when the New Jersey attorney signed on to represent Trump in the lawsuit filed by Zervos, replacing Kasowitz.)

It was only less than two months before Kasowitz’s exit that Trump had filed a motion in a D.C., court noting that he was no longer retaining Harder.

Harder had become a go-to for the Trumps in several cases against news organizations after he forced the Daily Mail to pay Melania Trump a $2.9 million settlement over a since-retracted story about her work in the 1990s. CNN reported that Harder’s firm was at one point during the 2020 campaign responsible for the majority of the Trump campaign’s legal costs, filing a series of lawsuits against news organizations including The New York Times.

And last month, according to court records, Trump swapped out Harder for a new lawyer, John Sweeney, to represent him in a lawsuit filed against him by the parents of several toddlers featured in a pro-Trump meme made by MAGA social-media figure Logan “Carpe Donktum” Cook. (That case was dismissed in July but Trump has continued to appeal for attorneys fees, court documents show.)

Among the other longtime Trump legal defenders who are splitting—or at least taking a break—from the former leader of the free world is Jay Sekulow, the front man for the conservative American Center for Law & Justice. As of late February, Sekulow was still on the ex-president’s team.

For years, and throughout the turnover and the legal team purges, Sekulow remained a reliable constant among Trump’s legal advisers and protectors. Now, in the first year of Trump’s post-presidency, Sekulow is currently laying dormant, finally qualifying as a former Trump attorney.

“My responsibilities on the constitutional issues, as they pertain to former President Trump, have been concluded,” Sekulow told The Daily Beast on Wednesday.

The recent Trumpworld legal shakeup isn’t confined to the patriarch of the family. Eric Trump’s legal team also appears to have gone through a recent major shakeup, with Marc Mukasey quietly withdrawing as a representative last week.

Mukasey, who has been called “the lawyer at the center of the Trump universe,” had been tapped by the Trump Organization for various legal matters, such as representing Eric when he was deposed last October by the office of New York Attorney General Letitia James. But while Mukasey—an in-demand white-collar criminal defense attorney with a federal pedigree—was once hands-on with the Trump Organization, he, like many attorneys, appears to have stepped back from that work in recent months.

The withdrawal, which Mukasey submitted Sept. 14 without explanation, is notable for a number of reasons. For one, it removes the powerful defense attorney amid signs that the high-stakes New York investigations are intensifying. On Monday, a lawyer for former Trump Organization CFO Allen Weisselberg, who in June was indicted alongside the company by Manhattan District Attorney Cy Vance, told a New York City judgethey have “strong reason to believe there could be more indictments coming.”

But court records with the state of New York show that, unlike the Vance case, the NYAG civil Trump docket had been quiet since January.

On Sept. 3, the parties in the case filed an agreement, which is no longer publicly accessible—10 days later they asked to have it sealed. The day after the judge granted the request, Mukasey withdrew.

“PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that I, Marc L. Mukasey, of Mukasey Frenchman LLP hereby withdraw my appearance as counsel of record for Respondent Eric Trump. Respondent Eric Trump will continue to be represented by Alan Futerfas,” Mukasey wrote, referencing the high-powered mob attorney who has tag-teamed Trump Organization cases alongside Mukasey.

While the withdrawal is the first record of distance between the Trumps and their trusted go-to attorney, Mukasey has long been private about that work. He hasn’t made any public statements in months, even in the wake of the June indictment, when co-counsel Futerfas spoke on behalf of the company.

Mukasey declined to comment on the record for this article. Futerfas did not respond to a message seeking comment, either.

Eric Trump, who has not been accused of wrongdoing, and a spokesperson for the Trump Organization also did not reply to The Daily Beast’s requests for comment. But with several reputable lawyers steering clear of former President Trump in recent months, the move by Mukasey—a former federal prosecutor in the Southern District of New York and close associate of Trump ally Giuliani—certainly stands out.

The former president has himself tapped Mukasey in the past as his go-to counsel for consequential court fights. From 2018 to 2019, Mukasey repped the Trump Foundation in another case brought by James for misuse of donor funds. The nonprofit was eventually ordered to shut down and pay $2 million to charity groups. And currently, Mukasey, along with Futerfas, who is a Democratic donor, nominally represents the Trump Organization as it awaits an order in a dispute with former Trump lawyer Michael Cohen over legal fees.

That docket, however, has been dormant since early June, as the parties in the case await the judge’s decision to dismiss the case or send it to trial.

Tristan Snell, who successfully prosecuted the Trump University scandal as a former assistant New York attorney general, told The Daily Beast that attorneys exercise a duty to their clients and “withdrawing as defense counsel in an ongoing investigation isn’t normal.”

While Eric Trump still retains Futerfas, Mukasey’s departure will almost doubtlessly impact his case. And if Mukasey’s recent silence indicates he’s pared back his role in Trumpland more broadly, that effect could multiply.

In a Fox News meltdown four days after Mukasey bailed, Eric Trump complained that “Democrats” have “weaponized” the government against his family, and said the Trump Organization has been getting “subpoena after subpoena after subpoena.”

 

 

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Guest Lobo

Guest Lobo

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She would love our thread on parking douchebaggery.  Lots of potential cases in there with tons of evidence. 

Parking Law doesn't get enough love in our jurisprudence system.  I like to think of it like Bird Law.  

And where do Birds congregate and cause property damage?  That's right, Parking Lots.  The confluence of Bird Law & Parking Law was a natural fit for by the former President with which to take on Big Media and Big Niece.  

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Francisco 2.0

Francisco 2.0 32416

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https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/trump-executive-privilege-subpoenas/2021/09/23/1c163312-1ba7-11ec-8380-5fbadbc43ef8_story.html

 

Quote

The White House is leaning toward releasing information to Congress about what Donald Trump and his aides were doing during the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol despite the former president’s objections — a decision that could have significant political and legal ramifications.

Trump has said he will cite “executive privilege” to block information requests from the House select committee investigating the events of that day, banking on a legal theory that has successfully allowed presidents and their aides to avoid or delay congressional scrutiny for decades, including during the Trump administration.

 

Quote

But President Biden’s White House plans to err on the side of disclosure given the gravity of the events of Jan. 6, according to two people familiar with discussions who, like others, spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe the private discussions.

In response to questions about White House deliberations over what information to release, Biden spokesman Michael J. Gwin said the president views the attack on the Capitol as “a dark stain on our country’s history” and is “deeply committed to ensuring that something like that can never happen again, and he supports a thorough investigation.”

 

Quote

Members of the investigative committee argue that Trump no longer enjoys the protection of executive privilege, encouraging the White House to push aside institutional concerns about sharing information with Congress and aid the panel in an investigation focused on what Democrats and a handful of Republicans have called an assault on democracy.

“It’s not really relevant because there’s no president involved — there’s no such thing as a former president’s executive privilege,” said Rep. Jamie B. Raskin (D-Md.), a committee member who teaches constitutional law. “That’s extremely dilute and not really relevant.”

What Trump was doing while the attack was occurring and who he was speaking with are among the big, unanswered questions concerning the assault on the Capitol.

 

Spoiler

The debate over the veracity of his executive privilege claims comes as the committee is moving into a new, more aggressive phase of its investigation. Having requested material from telecom, social media companies and the White House — and receiving some response — it is now looking at how best to compel testimony and documents from those reluctant to participate.

Committee Chairman Bennie G. Thompson (D-Miss.) said this week that his panel will soon issue subpoenas to witnesses and organizations, adding that the committee has started scheduling closed door testimony with cooperative witnesses. A preliminary list of subpoenas is expected to be released by the committee as soon as Thursday and may include prominent Trump allies and White House officials.

Trump has derided the committee’s work as partisan and is promising to fight its effort to collect information and testimony related to the attack.

“The highly partisan, Communist-style ‘select committee’ has put forth an outrageously broad records request that lacks both legal precedent and legislative merit,” Trump spokesman Taylor Budowich said in a statement. “Executive privilege will be defended, not just on behalf of President Trump and his administration, but also on behalf of the Office of the President of the United States and the future of our nation.”

 

In response to the House panel’s request, the National Archives has already identified hundreds of pages of documents from the Trump White House relevant to its inquiry. As required by statute, the material is being turned over to the Biden White House and to Trump’s lawyers for review.

The committee’s Aug. 25 letter to the National Archives was both sweeping and detailed, asking for “all documents and communications within the White House on January 6, 2021, relating in any way” to the events of that day. They include examining whether the White House or Trump allies worked to delay or halt the counting of electoral votes and whether there was discussion of impeding the peaceful transfer of power.

The letter asked for call logs, schedules and meetings for a large group, including Trump’s adult children, son-in-law and senior adviser Jared Kushner and first lady Melania Trump as well as a host of aides and advisers, such as his attorney Rudolph W. Giuliani.

 

The committee has focused, in part, on seeking information about whether the Trump White House and members of Congress played any role in encouraging the demonstrations, which interrupted the constitutionally mandated certification of electoral votes and unleashed a series of violent confrontations with the U.S. Capitol Police.

So far, more than 650 people have been charged with crimes in connection with the violent demonstrations that delayed that vote. Many were charged with obstructing a federal procedure and for knowingly entering or remaining in a restricted building. Documents and testimony could show whether White House officials and members of Congress encouraged or supported those actions, congressional staffers said.

White House documents requested by the panel are identified by National Archives personnel and then sent to Biden and Trump lawyers. The first tranche was sent out Aug. 31, according to a person familiar with the transfer.

Trump has 30 days following the delivery of the documents to decide whether to object to their release, according to the statute. Even if he opposes turning them over, the Biden White House has decision-making authority and can release them, over Trump’s objections, after an additional 60 days has elapsed. Trump’s remaining option would be to go to court to try to halt the release, legal advisers said.

While Trump has struck a defiant tone, his options may be limited if Biden decides to handover the information the former president says should be protected, according to several legal experts — including those who have reviewed similar requests in the past.

“The law we have is not favorable to the former president,” said Bob Bauer, who served as White House counsel under President Barack Obama. “A former president has a chance to review the materials, to raise issues of privilege and if the former and the current presidents cannot reach some agreement, to take the dispute to the courts.”

Bauer added that while an inquiry into a former president is unique, legal precedents suggest disclosure of the information Congress is seeking.

“The circumstances here — the former president acting at the time in his capacity as a candidate seeking to challenge his defeat at the polls — make this uphill battle much, much tougher,” he said.

 

Norm Eisen, a former Obama appointee, who advised the first House impeachment inquiry of Trump, said the former president’s power to assert executive privilege has weakened since he left the White House.

“The executive privilege stonewalling that Trump used while he was in office won’t work anymore,” Eisen said, noting that the current president — not the former — has the real decision-making power.

A former federal judge who worked on executive privilege issues in the Ronald Reagan White House and the George H.W. Bush Justice Department pointed out that privilege requests do not typically attempt to shield information about potential wrongdoing.

“With a few notable exceptions, the historical practice has been for Presidents to avoid asserting Executive Privilege to protect from disclosure information that suggests wrongdoing or potential wrongdoing by a President and/or his advisers,” J. Michael Luttig, a former U.S. federal judge, said in an email.

Several cases involving requests for tapes and other records from the Richard Nixon White House provide precedent for release of presidential records when requested by Congress or government agencies.

In 1977, the Supreme Court in Nixon v. Administrator of General Services, rejected Nixon’s privilege claims about White House tapes and documents, embracing the idea that executive privilege “is not for the benefit of the President as an individual, but for the benefit of the Republic.”

Legal experts also pointed to recent private talks involving Trump officials and Congress that could provide a path to a resolution that does not involve going to court. They cite the negotiations that occurred between lawyers for Trump, the Justice Department and the Senate Judiciary Committee investigating claims that a Trump Justice Department official, Jeffrey Clark, had sought to deploy department resources after the election to back Trump’s claims of massive voting fraud.

 

In the end, the Biden Justice Department waived executive privilege, and two of Trump’s top former Justice Department officials, Jeffrey Rosen and Richard Donoghue, sat for interviews with the Senate Judiciary Committee, providing detailed accounts of what happened during the post-election period.

The decisions Biden and Trump make about the current records and interview requests will be momentous, said Jonathan Turley, a professor at George Washington University who has written about the protection of White House documents and previously argued that Democrats’ impeachment efforts against Trump were a misguided use of congressional power.

“There is an unbroken tradition of deference by the incumbent presidents to their predecessors,” Turley said. “In the past, incumbent presidents would generally support their predecessors in restricting access, despite partisan differences. It appears we may be poised here to shatter that tradition.”

 

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PenelopeWitherspoon

PenelopeWitherspoon 19142

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Of course, when he tried blocking people and that was ruled a First Amendment violation because he was acting in his official capacity and thus a "state actor," he argued that it was his personal account. https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/supreme-court/supreme-court-dismisses-lawsuit-over-trump-s-twitter-account-n1263030

The arguments on venue. This thread is amazing.

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