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Voter Suppression


Pancho

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1. If your last name starts with a ‘De’ you’re already on a Stephen Miller list. I hope I’m at the top because I’m kicking that human piece of garbage in the nuts

2. My family didn’t cross the border, the border crossed us. 200+ years here, come at me. I hope that also puts me on a Stephen Miller list, because after i kick him in the nuts, I’m punching him to the back of his head.

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1. If your last name starts with a ‘De’ you’re already on a Stephen Miller list. I hope I’m at the top because I’m kicking that human piece of garbage in the nuts
2. My family didn’t cross the border, the border crossed us. 200+ years here, come at me. I hope that also puts me on a Stephen Miller list, because after i kick him in the nuts, I’m punching him to the back of his head.

Verdad on all counts. My family has been living along and crossing the river since before it was a border. We were here long before Miller’s worthless family arrived.
He deserves much more than a kick in the head.
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  • 2 weeks later...

Having first hand experience in south Texas local elections, things haven’t changed much down there. Only the methods. If the pre determined loser in a local race plays along nice, they walk away with a nice envelope 

you don’t become the county judge or county commissioner down there by chance, always by choice 

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11 hours ago, GSU&UT said:

Love my shitty-ass state. Must have had black and whites only voting booths.

 

Isn’t the GOP winning machine story more simply explained that they reserve one machine for whites-only for voters who refuse to touch a machine that “others” have touched.  This is Georgia after all. Didn’t Georgia first allow African Americans to vote in 2003?  (I may be off a bit on that last fact)

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18 minutes ago, Ted Lange said:

 

 

republicans:  intentionally mislabeling international shipments so as to illegally import species protected under the endangered species act is a blameless paperwork error

 

also republicans: a person in good faith registering others to vote who doesn't check the correct box on the TPS report is a hardened criminal who should be punished to the fullest extent of the law

Edited by elfenix
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republicans:  intentionally mislabeling international shipments so as to illegally import species protected under the endangered species act is a blameless paperwork error
 
also republicans: a person in good faith registering others to vote who doesn't check the correct box on the TPS report is a hardened criminal who should be punished to the fullest extent of the law

What’s your first example about?
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Quote

The Fifth Circuit affirmed that Mississippi gerrymandered its State Senate District 22 to deny black citizens equal rights, in violation of the Voting Rights Act, and noted that the state “scarcely entered any evidence to the contrary.” Courthouse News Service

I decided not to wade through the paperwork, but I think Mississippi redrew the boundaries after the initial case was filed. (They thought they would win and then go back to the gerrymandered version).

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  • 3 weeks later...
  • 3 weeks later...

This notion of "winning" elections by suppressing voting rights is probably the most toxic one the GOP has. Unfortunately, it works and could be the primary cause for Trump "winning" Wisconsin in 2016.

Austin and Texas are highlighted in the article below.

Edit: Scroll far down in the spoiler box - it looks like my formatting within it fucked with the shitty software.

 

The Student Vote Is Surging. So Are Efforts to Suppress It.

The share of college students casting ballots doubled from 2014 to 2018, a potential boon to Democrats. But in Texas and elsewhere, Republicans are erecting roadblocks to the polls.

AUSTIN, Texas — At Austin Community College, civics is an unwritten part of the curriculum — so much so that for years the school has tapped its own funds to set up temporary early-voting sites on nine of its 11 campuses.

No more, however. This spring, the Texas Legislature outlawed polling places that did not stay open for the entire 12-day early-voting period. When the state’s elections take place in three weeks, those nine sites — which logged many of the nearly 14,000 ballots that full-time students cast last year — will be shuttered. So will six campus polling places at colleges in Fort Worth, two in Brownsville, on the Mexico border, and other polling places at schools statewide.

“It was a beautiful thing, a lot of people out there in those long lines,” said Grant Loveless, a 20-year-old majoring in psychology and political science who voted last November at a campus in central Austin. “It would hurt a lot of students if you take those polling places away.”

The story at Austin Community College is but one example of a political drama playing out nationwide: After decades of treating elections as an afterthought, college students have begun voting in force.

Their turnout in the 2018 midterms — 40.3 percent of 10 million students tracked by Tufts University’s Institute for Democracy & Higher Education — was more than double the rate in the 2014 midterms, easily exceeding an already robust increase in national turnout. Energized by issues like climate change and the Trump presidency, students have suddenly emerged as a potentially crucial voting bloc in the 2020 general election.

And almost as suddenly, Republican politicians around the country are throwing up roadblocks between students and voting booths.

Not coincidentally, the barriers are rising fastest in political battlegrounds and places like Texas where one-party control is eroding. Students overwhelmingly lean Democratic, with three in four supportive of impeaching President Trump, according to an Axios/College Reaction poll released this month.

Spoiler
 
 
 
1
Spoiler

 

Some states have wrestled with voting eligibility for out-of-state students in the past. And the politicians enacting the roadblocks often say they are raising barriers to election fraud, not ballots. “The threat to election integrity in Texas is real, and the need to provide additional safeguards is increasing,” the state’s attorney general, Ken Paxton, said last year in announcing one of his office’s periodic crackdowns on illegal voting. But evidence of widespread fraud is nonexistent, and the restrictions fit an increasingly unabashed pattern of Republican politicians’ efforts to discourage voters likely to oppose them.

“Efforts to deprive any American of a convenient way to vote will have a chilling effect on voting,” Nancy Thomas, the director of the Tufts institute, said. “And efforts to chill college students’ voting are despicable — and very frustrating.”

The headline example is in New Hampshire. There, a Republican-backed law took effect this fall requiring newly registered voters who drive to establish “domicile” in the state by securing New Hampshire driver’s licenses and auto registrations, which can cost hundreds of dollars annually.

The dots are not hard to connect: According to the Tufts study, six in 10 New Hampshire college students come from outside the state, a rate among the nation’s highest. As early as 2011, the state’s Republican House speaker at the time, William O’Brien, promised to clamp down on unrestricted voting by students, calling them “kids voting liberal, voting their feelings, with no life experience.”

Florida’s Republican secretary of state outlawed early-voting sites at state universities in 2014, only to see 60,000 voters cast on-campus ballots in 2018 after a federal court overturned the ban. This year, the State Legislature effectively reinstated it, slipping a clause into a new elections law that requires all early-voting sites to offer “sufficient non-permitted parking” — an amenity in short supply on densely packed campuses.

North Carolina Republicans enacted a voter ID law last year that recognized student identification cards as valid — but its requirements proved so cumbersome that major state universities were unable to comply. A later revision relaxed the rules, but much confusion remains, and fewer than half the state’s 180-plus accredited schools have sought to certify their IDs for voting.

Wisconsin Republicans also have imposed tough restrictions on using student IDs for voting purposes. The state requires poll workers to check signatures only on student IDs, although some schools issuing modern IDs that serve as debit cards and dorm room keys have removed signatures, which they consider a security risk.

The law also requires that IDs used for voting expire within two years, while most college ID cards have four-year expiration dates. And even students with acceptable IDs must show proof of enrollment before being allowed to vote.

“Universities have had to decide one by one whether they want to modify their IDs to make them acceptable, issue a second ID for voting purposes or do nothing,” said Barry Burden, the director of the Elections Research Center at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. “And they’ve all gone in different directions.”

While legislators call the rules anti-fraud measures, Wisconsin has not recorded a case of intentional student voter fraud in memory, Mr. Burden said. But a healthy turnout of legitimate student voters could easily tip the political balance in many closely divided states.

Senator Maggie Hassan of New Hampshire, a Democrat, won election in 2016 by 1,017 votes over her Republican rival, Kelly Ayotte. Gov. Roy Cooper of North Carolina, a Democrat, won that year by about 10,000 votes in a state with nearly 500,000 undergraduates. And Donald J. Trump carried Wisconsin by fewer than 23,000 votes; the University of Wisconsin system alone enrolls more than 170,000 students.

Some critics suggest that opposition to campus-voting restrictions is overblown — that students can find other IDs to establish their identities, that campus polling sites are a luxury not afforded other voters.

But local election officials generally put polls where they are needed most, in packed places like universities and apartment complexes or locations like nursing homes where access is difficult.

Repeated studies have shown that making voting convenient improves turnout. And while it is difficult to say with certainty what causes turnout to decline, anecdotal evidence suggests that barriers to student voting have done just that. Nationwide, student turnout in the 2016 presidential election exceeded that of the 2012 presidential vote — but according to the Tufts institute, it fell sharply in Wisconsin, where the state’s voter ID law first applied to students that year.

Hurdles to student voting are hardly limited to politically competitive states. Most notably, the voter ID law in deeply Republican Tennessee does not recognize student ID cards as valid for voting, and legislators have removed out-of-state driver’s licenses from the list of valid identifications.

A Tennessee law requiring election officials to help register high school students is commonly skirted via a loophole, said Lisa Quigley, the top aide to Representative Jim Cooper, a Tennessee Democrat and voting rights advocate. And cities like Nashville and Knoxville, with large concentrations of college students, have no campus polling places, she said.

Tennessee ranks 50th in voter turnout among the states and the District of Columbia. “We’re terrible at voting,” Ms. Quigley said. “And it’s intentional.”

Only Texas’ turnout is worse. And as in Tennessee, voting is particularly difficult for the young.

Texas law requires educators to distribute voter registration forms to high school students, but the requirement appears to be ignored by most of the state’s 3,700 secondary schools. And while many states allow students to preregister at 16 or 17, and even vote in primaries if they turn 18 by Election Day in November, Texas bars students from registering until two months before their 18th birthday, the nation’s most restrictive rule.

The state’s voter ID law — among the most onerous, though softened by court rulings — still excludes college and university ID cards and out-of-state driver’s licenses that many students commonly carry.

Some Texas schools have sought for years to lower those barriers. At the University of Texas at Austin 🤘, a group called TX Votes has greatly increased turnout by rallying students against voting restrictions and enlisting scores of campus groups in voting and registration campaigns.

Austin Community College, whose 39,000 full-time and 33,000 part-time students sprawl over campuses in four Texas counties, pursues a similar strategy. The system’s student body is drawn largely from working-class and minority families.

In addition to sponsoring the campus voting, it gives its employees two hours off during every election to cast ballots.

It is not the only Texas college to set up campus voting. North of Austin, Southwestern University collected ballots from more than half of its 1,500 students last November in a one-day visit by a mobile polling place. Tarrant County, whose largest city is Fort Worth, racked up 11,000 votes at mobile campus sites; Cameron County, in southern Texas, opened three campus sites and reaped nearly 2,800 votes.

Dollar for dollar, mobile voting sites were “the most effective program we had,” Dana DeBeauvoir, the Travis County clerk and chief elections official, said.

State legislators took a dimmer view. Last spring, State Representative Greg Bonnen, a Republican from suburban Houston, filed legislation to require that all polling places remain open during the whole early-voting period, eliminating pop-up polls. He argued that local politicians were using the sites to attract supportive voters for pet projects like school bond issues.

The Texas Association of Election Administrators opposed the change, and Democratic legislators proposed to exclude college campuses, nursing homes and other sites from the requirement. But Republicans rejected the changes and passed the bill on largely party-line votes.

There are efforts to push back at the restrictions on student voting. The elections administrator in Dallas County, Toni Pippins-Poole, decided after the Legislature outlawed temporary polls to spend the money needed to make pop-up voting sites on eight college campuses permanent.

In New Hampshire, the state chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union is suing to undo the State Legislature’s domicile law. The League of Women Voters and the Andrew Goodman Foundation, a Mahwah, N.J., nonprofit group focused on protecting voting rights for young people, are contesting Florida’s parking requirements for polls in federal court.

Purdue University said last month that it would not charge out-of-state students a fee for ID cards, which are valid for voting in Indiana. Mitchell E. Daniels Jr., Purdue’s president and the state’s Republican governor from 2005 to 2013, said he wanted to encourage civic literacy among students.

Advocates for student voters argue that those are the exceptions.

“Everyone 18 years and older has a right, if not a duty, to participate in our electoral system,” said Maxim Thorne, the managing director of the Goodman Foundation. “We should be having conversations about how to make it easier, how to make it more welcoming, how to make it worthy of our time and effort. And what we’re seeing is the reverse.”

 

 

Edited by bolverk
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On 10/24/2019 at 9:32 AM, bolverk said:

This notion of "winning" elections by suppressing voting rights is probably the most toxic one the GOP has. Unfortunately, it works and could be the primary cause for Trump "winning" Wisconsin in 2016.

Austin and Texas are highlighted in the article below.

Edit: Scroll far down in the spoiler box - it looks like my formatting within it fucked with the shitty software.

 

The Student Vote Is Surging. So Are Efforts to Suppress It.

The share of college students casting ballots doubled from 2014 to 2018, a potential boon to Democrats. But in Texas and elsewhere, Republicans are erecting roadblocks to the polls.

AUSTIN, Texas — At Austin Community College, civics is an unwritten part of the curriculum — so much so that for years the school has tapped its own funds to set up temporary early-voting sites on nine of its 11 campuses.

No more, however. This spring, the Texas Legislature outlawed polling places that did not stay open for the entire 12-day early-voting period. When the state’s elections take place in three weeks, those nine sites — which logged many of the nearly 14,000 ballots that full-time students cast last year — will be shuttered. So will six campus polling places at colleges in Fort Worth, two in Brownsville, on the Mexico border, and other polling places at schools statewide.

“It was a beautiful thing, a lot of people out there in those long lines,” said Grant Loveless, a 20-year-old majoring in psychology and political science who voted last November at a campus in central Austin. “It would hurt a lot of students if you take those polling places away.”

The story at Austin Community College is but one example of a political drama playing out nationwide: After decades of treating elections as an afterthought, college students have begun voting in force.

Their turnout in the 2018 midterms — 40.3 percent of 10 million students tracked by Tufts University’s Institute for Democracy & Higher Education — was more than double the rate in the 2014 midterms, easily exceeding an already robust increase in national turnout. Energized by issues like climate change and the Trump presidency, students have suddenly emerged as a potentially crucial voting bloc in the 2020 general election.

And almost as suddenly, Republican politicians around the country are throwing up roadblocks between students and voting booths.

Not coincidentally, the barriers are rising fastest in political battlegrounds and places like Texas where one-party control is eroding. Students overwhelmingly lean Democratic, with three in four supportive of impeaching President Trump, according to an Axios/College Reaction poll released this month.

  Reveal hidden contents
 
 
 
1
Spoiler

 

Some states have wrestled with voting eligibility for out-of-state students in the past. And the politicians enacting the roadblocks often say they are raising barriers to election fraud, not ballots. “The threat to election integrity in Texas is real, and the need to provide additional safeguards is increasing,” the state’s attorney general, Ken Paxton, said last year in announcing one of his office’s periodic crackdowns on illegal voting. But evidence of widespread fraud is nonexistent, and the restrictions fit an increasingly unabashed pattern of Republican politicians’ efforts to discourage voters likely to oppose them.

“Efforts to deprive any American of a convenient way to vote will have a chilling effect on voting,” Nancy Thomas, the director of the Tufts institute, said. “And efforts to chill college students’ voting are despicable — and very frustrating.”

The headline example is in New Hampshire. There, a Republican-backed law took effect this fall requiring newly registered voters who drive to establish “domicile” in the state by securing New Hampshire driver’s licenses and auto registrations, which can cost hundreds of dollars annually.

The dots are not hard to connect: According to the Tufts study, six in 10 New Hampshire college students come from outside the state, a rate among the nation’s highest. As early as 2011, the state’s Republican House speaker at the time, William O’Brien, promised to clamp down on unrestricted voting by students, calling them “kids voting liberal, voting their feelings, with no life experience.”

Florida’s Republican secretary of state outlawed early-voting sites at state universities in 2014, only to see 60,000 voters cast on-campus ballots in 2018 after a federal court overturned the ban. This year, the State Legislature effectively reinstated it, slipping a clause into a new elections law that requires all early-voting sites to offer “sufficient non-permitted parking” — an amenity in short supply on densely packed campuses.

North Carolina Republicans enacted a voter ID law last year that recognized student identification cards as valid — but its requirements proved so cumbersome that major state universities were unable to comply. A later revision relaxed the rules, but much confusion remains, and fewer than half the state’s 180-plus accredited schools have sought to certify their IDs for voting.

Wisconsin Republicans also have imposed tough restrictions on using student IDs for voting purposes. The state requires poll workers to check signatures only on student IDs, although some schools issuing modern IDs that serve as debit cards and dorm room keys have removed signatures, which they consider a security risk.

The law also requires that IDs used for voting expire within two years, while most college ID cards have four-year expiration dates. And even students with acceptable IDs must show proof of enrollment before being allowed to vote.

“Universities have had to decide one by one whether they want to modify their IDs to make them acceptable, issue a second ID for voting purposes or do nothing,” said Barry Burden, the director of the Elections Research Center at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. “And they’ve all gone in different directions.”

While legislators call the rules anti-fraud measures, Wisconsin has not recorded a case of intentional student voter fraud in memory, Mr. Burden said. But a healthy turnout of legitimate student voters could easily tip the political balance in many closely divided states.

Senator Maggie Hassan of New Hampshire, a Democrat, won election in 2016 by 1,017 votes over her Republican rival, Kelly Ayotte. Gov. Roy Cooper of North Carolina, a Democrat, won that year by about 10,000 votes in a state with nearly 500,000 undergraduates. And Donald J. Trump carried Wisconsin by fewer than 23,000 votes; the University of Wisconsin system alone enrolls more than 170,000 students.

Some critics suggest that opposition to campus-voting restrictions is overblown — that students can find other IDs to establish their identities, that campus polling sites are a luxury not afforded other voters.

But local election officials generally put polls where they are needed most, in packed places like universities and apartment complexes or locations like nursing homes where access is difficult.

Repeated studies have shown that making voting convenient improves turnout. And while it is difficult to say with certainty what causes turnout to decline, anecdotal evidence suggests that barriers to student voting have done just that. Nationwide, student turnout in the 2016 presidential election exceeded that of the 2012 presidential vote — but according to the Tufts institute, it fell sharply in Wisconsin, where the state’s voter ID law first applied to students that year.

Hurdles to student voting are hardly limited to politically competitive states. Most notably, the voter ID law in deeply Republican Tennessee does not recognize student ID cards as valid for voting, and legislators have removed out-of-state driver’s licenses from the list of valid identifications.

A Tennessee law requiring election officials to help register high school students is commonly skirted via a loophole, said Lisa Quigley, the top aide to Representative Jim Cooper, a Tennessee Democrat and voting rights advocate. And cities like Nashville and Knoxville, with large concentrations of college students, have no campus polling places, she said.

Tennessee ranks 50th in voter turnout among the states and the District of Columbia. “We’re terrible at voting,” Ms. Quigley said. “And it’s intentional.”

Only Texas’ turnout is worse. And as in Tennessee, voting is particularly difficult for the young.

Texas law requires educators to distribute voter registration forms to high school students, but the requirement appears to be ignored by most of the state’s 3,700 secondary schools. And while many states allow students to preregister at 16 or 17, and even vote in primaries if they turn 18 by Election Day in November, Texas bars students from registering until two months before their 18th birthday, the nation’s most restrictive rule.

The state’s voter ID law — among the most onerous, though softened by court rulings — still excludes college and university ID cards and out-of-state driver’s licenses that many students commonly carry.

Some Texas schools have sought for years to lower those barriers. At the University of Texas at Austin 🤘, a group called TX Votes has greatly increased turnout by rallying students against voting restrictions and enlisting scores of campus groups in voting and registration campaigns.

Austin Community College, whose 39,000 full-time and 33,000 part-time students sprawl over campuses in four Texas counties, pursues a similar strategy. The system’s student body is drawn largely from working-class and minority families.

In addition to sponsoring the campus voting, it gives its employees two hours off during every election to cast ballots.

It is not the only Texas college to set up campus voting. North of Austin, Southwestern University collected ballots from more than half of its 1,500 students last November in a one-day visit by a mobile polling place. Tarrant County, whose largest city is Fort Worth, racked up 11,000 votes at mobile campus sites; Cameron County, in southern Texas, opened three campus sites and reaped nearly 2,800 votes.

Dollar for dollar, mobile voting sites were “the most effective program we had,” Dana DeBeauvoir, the Travis County clerk and chief elections official, said.

State legislators took a dimmer view. Last spring, State Representative Greg Bonnen, a Republican from suburban Houston, filed legislation to require that all polling places remain open during the whole early-voting period, eliminating pop-up polls. He argued that local politicians were using the sites to attract supportive voters for pet projects like school bond issues.

The Texas Association of Election Administrators opposed the change, and Democratic legislators proposed to exclude college campuses, nursing homes and other sites from the requirement. But Republicans rejected the changes and passed the bill on largely party-line votes.

There are efforts to push back at the restrictions on student voting. The elections administrator in Dallas County, Toni Pippins-Poole, decided after the Legislature outlawed temporary polls to spend the money needed to make pop-up voting sites on eight college campuses permanent.

In New Hampshire, the state chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union is suing to undo the State Legislature’s domicile law. The League of Women Voters and the Andrew Goodman Foundation, a Mahwah, N.J., nonprofit group focused on protecting voting rights for young people, are contesting Florida’s parking requirements for polls in federal court.

Purdue University said last month that it would not charge out-of-state students a fee for ID cards, which are valid for voting in Indiana. Mitchell E. Daniels Jr., Purdue’s president and the state’s Republican governor from 2005 to 2013, said he wanted to encourage civic literacy among students.

Advocates for student voters argue that those are the exceptions.

“Everyone 18 years and older has a right, if not a duty, to participate in our electoral system,” said Maxim Thorne, the managing director of the Goodman Foundation. “We should be having conversations about how to make it easier, how to make it more welcoming, how to make it worthy of our time and effort. And what we’re seeing is the reverse.”

 

 

But then those same Rs get on camera and whinge about how the kids don't even care enough to vote.

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46 minutes ago, Nivek said:


Execute them.

The penalty should be that they hook you up to an electronic voting machine with leads hooked up to your genitalia.  Then everyone whose vote you suppressed gets to line up and vote on this machine while the final tally is burnt on your scrotum.

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The penalty should be that they hook you up to an electronic voting machine with leads hooked up to your genitalia.  Then everyone whose vote you suppressed gets to line up and vote on this machine while the final tally is burnt on your scrotum.

I like where you are headed, but I think the offending political party donating $10,000 per vote to the opposition party would suffice plus 4 days in jail per vote fraud committed by the members, to be served one after the other and/or a minimum of 4 years until next election cycle.

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  • 3 weeks later...

Hey look, our new SoS basically outright targeting two activists who have been very critical of the new voting machines that are being implemented. They print a QR code that you cannot verify yourself which prevents them from being truly auditable.

 

 

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  • 3 weeks later...
6 hours ago, Mrs Whiggins said:

Also, after reading the tweet thread about Derkach, my respect for Ambassador Taylor, and former ambassadors, Yovanovich, Pyatt, and Tefft has increased. Nasty characters chumming around the city of Kyiv.

Wonder if Rudy has some kind of security protection, because wow, there's some really shady characters there, and if they think he was going to flip, it seems like he'd be foolish not to have some kind of protection.

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12 hours ago, Pancho said:

 

 

Fuck that shit. 

 

On 9/12/2019 at 1:51 PM, Pancho said:

I've been asking for years for Republicans on this board to answer the question--why do you want to make it more difficult for people to vote? 

 

 

The biggest slap in the face is when Moscow Mitch was arguing against election day being a national holiday because.....ummm 

Fuck the GOP so hard

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I think this was posted a while back, but here it is again.  Stacy Abrams' project to fight voter suppression.  Word is they stopped 10s of thousands of voters from being purged in Kentucky where the margin of victory for the Dem governor was like 7,500.  I've donated twice in the past few months.  Worthy fucking cause.

https://fairfight.com/

 

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I should donate to that as well. I can't imagine how much we'd actually be able to start moving Georgia towards more progressive values if she had won here.

The new Kentucky governor also is going to restore former felon voting rights after his dad was going to do so and was stopped by the previous Republican governor.

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The biggest voter suppression tactic that the GOP will use in addition to purging voter rolls is happening next year: the 2020 Census. John Oliver had a really great show about it. If citizens are not counted and you know certain vulnerable demographics will not be, then guess what happens? One way the GOP will do this, besides underfunding the task itself will be to not have enough census takers in particular areas. The entire state of California will suddenly be surprised to discover in 2020 that they have fewer citizens than North Dakota. Okay, that 's a little extreme on my part, but it is easy enough for the Administration to do based on the current data they have to manipulate how the census is recorded thus using the census numbers to manipulate the vote. For the most part, this is not on people's radar but it definitely should be because cheating is what the GOP does and this is one way they will do it and claim the "numbers don't lie."

 

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@Mrs Whiggins In the video you shared, as I'm sure you know, it's already feared the damage is done with citizen question with respect to getting an accurate census count. Hispanic and Latin American communities know, in this era of ICE doing almost whatever they want, that giving any information about their identity (even though it's supposed to be 100% confidential) is not worth the risk.

The other side to that issue is that this it will fall on the next administration, whoever that may be, to certify all those results. It will be interesting to see if a Democratic president outright rejects the count and what that could mean.

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4 minutes ago, GSU&UT said:

@Mrs Whiggins In the video you shared, as I'm sure you know, it's already feared the damage is done with citizen question with respect to getting an accurate census count. Hispanic and Latin American communities know, in this era of ICE doing almost whatever they want, that giving any information about their identity (even though it's supposed to be 100% confidential) is not worth the risk.

The other side to that issue is that this it will fall on the next administration, whoever that may be, to certify all those results. It will be interesting to see if a Democratic president outright rejects the count and what that could mean.

Definitely. That was what that question was designed to do. And yes, I'm not one to believe that damage will be overcome. However, I am not convinced they are finished disenfranchising many many more.

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